Philippine Police Killings in Duterte’s “War on Drugs”Summary. On the afternoon of October 1.

Manila home of Paquito Mejos, a 5. An occasional user of shabu, a methamphetamine, Mejos had turned himself in to local authorities two days earlier after learning he was on a “watch list” of drug suspects. The gunmen asked for Mejos, who was napping upstairs. When I saw them with their handguns going upstairs,” a relative said, “I told them, ‘But he has already surrendered to the authorities!’ They told me to shut up, or I would be next.”Two gunshots rang out. Police investigators arrived moments later and were assisted by the gunmen.

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In their report, the police referred to Mejos as “a suspected drug pusher” who “pointed his gun [at the police] but the police officers were able to shoot him first hitting him on the body causing his instantaneous death.” They said a shabu packet was found along with a handgun. But Paquito never had a gun,” said his relative. And he did not have any shabu that day.”Since the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte on June 3. Philippine National Police officers and unidentified “vigilantes” have killed over 7,0. The anti- drug campaign dubbed “Operation Double Barrel” has targeted suspected drug dealers and users ostensibly for arrest but in practice has been a campaign of extrajudicial execution in impoverished areas of Manila and other urban areas.

Duterte’s outspoken endorsement of the campaign implicates him and other senior officials in possible incitement to violence, instigation of murder, and in command responsibility for crimes against humanity. Philippine police are falsifying evidence to justify unlawful killings in a “war on drugs” that has caused more than 7,0.

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Hitler massacred three million Jews. Now, there are three million drug addicts. I’d be happy to slaughter them.

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If Germany had Hitler, the Philippines would have (me). Rodrigo Duterte, September 3. This report examines 2.

Philippine National Police personnel between October 2. January 2. 01. 7.

Human Rights Watch found that the official police reports of these incidents invariably asserted self- defense to justify police killings, contrary to eyewitness accounts that portray the killings as cold- blooded murders of unarmed drug suspects in custody. To bolster their claims, the police routinely planted guns, spent ammunition, and drug packets next to the victims’ bodies. No one has been meaningfully investigated, let alone prosecuted, for these killings. Before being elected president, Rodrigo Duterte was the mayor of Davao City for more than two decades. There, the “Davao Death Squad” had killed hundreds of drug users, street children, and other petty criminals. While denying involvement in the death squads, Duterte endorsed their killings as an effective way to combat crime, relishing his “Duterte Harry” nickname and reputation.

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Even prior to announcing his candidacy for the May 2. Duterte was already very clear about his intention to eliminate crime by eliminating criminals: “If by chance that God will place me there, watch out because the 1,0. Duterte was mayor of Davao City] will become 1. You will see the fish in Manila Bay getting fat. That is where I will dump you.”Duterte’s outspoken vow to embark on a nationwide killing campaign against drug dealers and drug users was the foundation of his presidential electoral platform. During a campaign rally on March 1. When I become president, I will order the police to find those people [dealing or using drugs] and kill them.

The funeral parlors will be packed.”Following his election, Duterte continued to state unequivocally that his anti- drug campaign would focus on killing drug dealers and users. Watch The Mission Online Iflix. Speaking in Davao City on June 4, he stated: “If you are still into drugs, I am going to kill you. Don’t take this as a joke.

I’m not trying to make you laugh. Sons of bitches, I’ll really kill you.”Since taking office, Duterte has repeatedly vowed to kill drug dealers and users in the midst of skyrocketing reports of extrajudicial executions by the police and so- called vigilantes. On August 6, he warned drug dealers: “My order is shoot to kill you. I don’t care about human rights, you better believe me.” He praised the soaring body count of victims of police killings as proof of the “success” of his “war on drugs.”The Philippine National Police announced a temporary suspension of police anti- drug operations on January 3. South Korean businessman by anti- drug police. The following day, Duterte ordered the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to fill the gap created by the suspended police operations by taking a frontline role in the anti- drug campaign.

Duterte has publicly vowed to continue his “anti- drugs” campaign until his presidential term ends in 2. Human Rights Watch’s investigations into specific incidents found the police responsible for extrajudicial executions—the deliberate killing by state security forces or their agents of a person in custody. A clear modus operandi of police operations emerged. In many cases, it began with an individual receiving a visit or a phone call from an official from the local barangay (neighborhood) informing them that they were on a drug “watch list” drawn up by barangay officials and the police. Such visits often proved not so much to be warnings as a method of confirming the identity and whereabouts of a target. A barangay official told Rogie Sebastian, 3. He had given up drug use months earlier, so did not go.

Two weeks later three armed masked men wearing bulletproof vests arrived at his home in Manila and handcuffed him. I could hear Rogie begging for his life from outside the room,” a relative said. We were crying and the other armed man threatened to kill us as well.” A neighbor said: “I heard the gunshots. There were also uniformed cops outside, they did not go inside the house. But the three killers in civilian clothes came and went on a motorcycle without any interference from the uniformed cops.”Relatives, neighbors, and other witnesses told Human Rights Watch that armed assailants typically worked in groups of two, four, or a dozen.

They would wear civilian clothes, often all black, and have their faces shielded by balaclava- style headgear or other masks, and baseball caps or helmets. They would bang on doors and barge into rooms, but the assailants would not identify themselves or provide warrants. Family members reported hearing beatings and their loved ones begging for their lives. The shooting could happen immediately–behind closed doors or on the street; or the gunmen might take the suspect away, where minutes later shots would ring out and local residents would find the body; or the body would be dumped elsewhere later, sometimes with hands tied or the head wrapped in plastic. Local residents often said they saw uniformed police on the outskirts of the incident, securing the perimeter—but even if not visible before a shooting, special crime scene investigators would arrive within minutes. Five masked armed men broke into a house in Bulacan province where Oliver Dela Cruz, 4. Said a relative: “[W]e could see him kneeling in a surrendering position.

The men grabbed him and slammed him into a concrete wall several times, and then they threw him…outside. We saw the shooting, we were just there. Oliver’s face was bleeding from being hit, and he was begging them for mercy when he was shot.”After the shooting of Ogie Sumangue, 1. Manila, uniformed police showed Sumangue’s relatives his body in the house, and a .